🚨 “WE DISAGREE” — SUPREME COURT DELIVERS STUNNING 9-0 RULING, AND WHAT HAPPENED NEXT IS TURNING HEADS…
Supreme Court Sides With Trump Admin With Unanimous Ruling
The Supreme Court of the United States handed the Trump administration a legal victory this week by throwing out a federal appeals court ruling that had revived a dispute over public speaking restrictions for immigration judges.
In an unsigned order, the justices reversed a decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit.
They reinstated a lower-court ruling dismissing a lawsuit filed by the National Association of Immigration Judges.
The case centered on a Justice Department policy requiring immigration judges to obtain approval before participating in certain public speaking engagements deemed “official” in nature.
The policy requires immigration judges to obtain approval before participating in “official” speaking engagements, including presentations at immigration conferences or pro bono legal training events.
According to court records, judges are still permitted to give speeches in a personal capacity so long as the topics are not directly connected to immigration matters.
The National Association of Immigration Judges challenged the policy in federal court in Alexandria, arguing it violated the First Amendment by restricting judges from expressing private opinions about immigration policy or the agency employing them.
But U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema, a Clinton appointee serving the Eastern District of Virginia, dismissed the lawsuit, pointing to the Civil Service Reform Act.
Brinkema concluded that Congress intended claims like those brought by the judges’ association to be handled through that specialized review system instead of traditional lawsuits in federal court.
The 4th Circuit later revived the lawsuit and sent it back to the district court, raising concerns about whether the review framework created under the Civil Service Reform Act is actually operating the way Congress intended.
The appeals court pointed to two major issues.
First, the Merit Systems Protection Board at one point lacked enough members to function, creating a backlog that critics argued undermined the effectiveness of the system.
Second, the court noted the Trump administration’s constitutional position that the president has the authority to remove members of the MSPB and the Office of Special Counsel at will, a stance that raised broader questions about the independence of the federal employee oversight process.
The administration returned to the Supreme Court, calling the case a “clear candidate for summary reversal,” arguing the 4th Circuit relied on a theory the parties had not raised.
The high court agreed.
Justice Clarence Thomas, joined by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, wrote that the 4th Circuit was also wrong regarding the legal issues involved.
This is the second big ruling this week involving Trump.
On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court refused once more to hear Trump’s bid to overturn a New York jury’s $5 million finding that he sexually abused writer E. Jean Carroll.
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The justices did not explain their decision to decline to take the case, a standard practice when the high court turns away petitions.
This marks the second time this year the Court has rejected Trump’s effort to erase the civil verdict.
Carroll has delayed collecting the judgment for an extended period while the president pressed his appeals.
Trump’s legal team continues to contest a separate $83.3 million defamation award Carroll won against him in a related case. In that matter, his lawyers argue he is entitled to presidential immunity.
The $5 million verdict stemmed from a jury’s determination in the battery and defamation proceedings that Trump had sexually abused Carroll.
The larger award followed a subsequent defamation trial. Both cases have unfolded against a backdrop of intense political scrutiny and repeated legal challenges from the Trump side.
Trump has consistently denied Carroll’s accusations and maintained that the civil proceedings were politically motivated.
His attorneys have pursued every available avenue to contest the outcomes, including the immunity claim now central to the remaining $83.3 million judgment.
The Supreme Court’s latest refusal leaves the $5 million finding intact for now, clearing a path for Carroll to seek payment after prolonged litigation.
As the president’s lawyers press forward on the remaining judgment, the $5 million verdict stands as a finality the Court has twice declined to disturb.
Back in June, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear Trump’s appeal of a $5 million civil verdict finding him liable for sexual abuse and defamation in the long-running case brought by Carroll.
The denial leaves intact a jury’s 2023 decision from New York federal court, even as the sitting president contends the proceedings represent a politically motivated distraction from his duties leading the nation.
A separate defamation trial produced an $83.3 million award, which remains under appeal and subject to further challenges, including arguments over presidential immunity and the Westfall Act.
🚨 TRUMP SONS HIT WITH A MAJOR LEGAL SETBACK — AND JAIL CLAIMS TIED TO THE $1.776 BILLION IRS CASE JUST EXPLODED INTO THE SPOTLIGHT… |
FEDERAL JUDGE GUTS TRUMP IRS SETTLEMENT IN EXTRAORDINARY BAD-FAITH RULING — BUT DON JR. AND ERIC ARE NOT 'NOW GOING TO JAIL'
A federal judge delivered an extraordinary legal blow to President Donald Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and the Trump Organization over the controversial settlement of their lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service.
U.S. District Judge Kathleen M. Williams concluded in July that the lawsuit did not present the genuine adversarial dispute required by Article III because Trump, as president, exercised control over the executive-branch agencies he was suing. She also expressly found that the plaintiffs acted in bad faith and used the litigation to give judicial legitimacy to a settlement carrying benefits that critics described as unprecedented.
Williams barred the parties from referring to, offering, admitting or citing the purported settlement agreement in judicial, administrative, regulatory, arbitration or other official proceedings as evidence of a settlement reached in the case. She also imposed sanctions and referred lawyers involved in the matter for possible professional discipline.
That is a major ruling. It is not, however, a criminal judgment against Trump's sons.
No tax-crime charges were filed against Donald Trump Jr. or Eric Trump as a result of the order. Williams did not find that either man committed tax fraud, did not convict either man of any crime and did not sentence anyone in the Trump family to prison.
The July ruling seriously damaged the legal footing of the IRS settlement, but it did not turn Donald Trump Jr. or Eric Trump into convicted tax criminals. Any claim that they 'can now go to jail' skips several major legal steps.
The Original Case Was About a Real and Criminal Tax-Return Leak
The controversy did not begin with a fictional grievance.
Former IRS contractor Charles Littlejohn unlawfully obtained and disclosed tax information associated with Trump and thousands of wealthy taxpayers to news organizations.
Littlejohn pleaded guilty to unauthorized disclosure of tax-return information and was sentenced in January 2024 to five years in federal prison.
That criminal case established that protected taxpayer information had been stolen and unlawfully disclosed.
Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and the Trump Organization later sued the IRS and Treasury Department in January 2026, arguing that the government had failed to safeguard their confidential tax information.
Their complaint sought at least $10 billion in damages.
The judge's later finding that the Trump lawsuit was pursued in bad faith did not erase the underlying fact that Charles Littlejohn illegally disclosed protected tax information and was criminally punished for doing so.
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The Lawsuit Became Legally Unusual Because Trump Was Suing His Own Executive Branch
By the time the case was filed, Trump was again president.
That meant the lead plaintiff was also the head of the executive branch containing the IRS, Treasury Department and Justice Department officials responsible for defending the lawsuit.
Williams focused heavily on that structure.
Her order said federal courts require genuine adversity between litigants and concluded that the Trump plaintiffs and government defendants were not sufficiently adverse because one side exercised control over the other.
The judge rejected the idea that merely labeling the president a private-capacity plaintiff and federal agencies defendants automatically created a legitimate Article III controversy.
Trump and the other plaintiffs dispute that analysis and are appealing.
The May Settlement Went Far Beyond an Apology
On May 18, the parties announced a settlement under which the Trump plaintiffs would dismiss the lawsuit with prejudice.
The settlement provided the plaintiffs with a formal apology but no direct monetary damages.
The politically explosive provisions were elsewhere.
The Justice Department announced a $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund intended to compensate people claiming they had been harmed by improper political or ideological use of government power.
A separate May 19 order signed by Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche went even further.
It said the United States released the plaintiffs and was 'forever barred and precluded' from prosecuting or pursuing a broad range of claims, examinations, reviews and other matters tied to past filings and disputes.
Its language expressly swept in Trump, his sons, related individuals and affiliated businesses in connection with tax returns filed before the effective date and other covered matters.
The settlement was not simply a payment for the illegal tax leak. Trump and the other plaintiffs received no cash damages, but the agreement and related Justice Department orders purported to provide unusually broad protections against past tax and other federal claims.
Why the Judge Found the Litigation Was Brought in Bad Faith
Williams concluded that the federal case was not being used to resolve a genuine dispute between adverse parties.
Instead, she found that the litigation had been used to create an appearance of judicial legitimacy for an arrangement negotiated between aligned actors.
Her order stated that the parties used federal litigation as a means of conferring legitimacy on a course of action they were unwilling to subject to judicial review.
She pointed to the settlement's context, the relationships among the people negotiating it, ethical concerns and the rapid voluntary dismissal after the court raised jurisdictional questions.
Williams ultimately wrote that the plaintiffs had acted in bad faith.
That finding is one of the strongest judicial rebukes issued in connection with the settlement.
A bad-faith litigation finding concerns how the lawsuit and settlement process were used. It is not a finding that Donald Trump Jr. or Eric Trump committed tax evasion or another criminal tax offense.
What Williams Actually Ordered
The court did not reopen the underlying tax-leak lawsuit for a trial on the merits.
Instead, Williams exercised authority to address litigation misconduct and impose sanctions.
She referred Trump attorney Alejandro Brito to the Florida Bar for consideration of possible discipline.
She imposed a one-year restriction on Daniel Epstein's future pro hac vice applications in the Southern District of Florida.
Most significantly for the Trump family, she prohibited the parties from referring to the purported settlement agreement or using, offering, admitting or citing its provisions in any judicial, administrative, regulatory, arbitration or other official proceeding as evidence of a settlement reached in the case.
That prohibition reaches the named plaintiffs — Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and the Trump Organization — as well as the IRS and Treasury Department.
The Order Contains an Important Limitation That Viral Posts Are Missing
One footnote in Williams' order is essential to understanding what she did and did not decide.
The judge explicitly said the question of whether a private agreement between the parties remained valid and enforceable — or amounted to an improper use of the Judgment Fund and an illegal conferral of immunity — was not before her.
That means the order sharply restricts official reliance on the purported settlement, but it does not itself contain a final merits judgment resolving every possible argument about the separate agreement or the May 19 Justice Department release.
That distinction is especially important because the Trump plaintiffs have appealed and because the Justice Department has separately addressed how it interprets the May 19 release.
It is fair to say the court badly undermined the settlement's usefulness and legitimacy. It is too categorical to say the judge definitively adjudicated and erased every possible tax-immunity protection contained in separate executive-branch documents.
The Justice Department Later Killed the $1.776 Billion Fund
The Anti-Weaponization Fund quickly drew bipartisan criticism on Capitol Hill.
Critics questioned how $1.776 billion in taxpayer money could be committed through a settlement structure, who would decide which claimants deserved payments and whether politically connected Trump allies could benefit.
Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche subsequently told Congress that the fund was dead.
On August 2, he signed a formal order rescinding the May 18 order that had established the fund's mechanics.
The Justice Department said no members had been appointed, no funds had been transferred, no claims process had been established and no claims had been paid.
The August rescission declared that the fund had no force or effect.
The Fund Is Dead, but the Investigation Into How It Was Created Is Not
The story continued into September.
In a separate federal lawsuit in Virginia, U.S. Magistrate Judge Ivan D. Davis ordered the Justice Department to identify the people who conceived the structure of the now-defunct Anti-Weaponization Fund.
The order came during discovery in litigation challenging the fund.
The Justice Department has resisted those disclosures and is challenging the discovery ruling before the district judge.
So even though DOJ says there is no operative fund, courts are still examining how the proposal was created and who was involved.
The May 19 Tax Release Is More Complicated
The broad May 19 release was not the same document as the May 18 order establishing the Anti-Weaponization Fund.
DOJ's August 2 rescission specifically eliminated the fund order.
The department separately said the May 19 release should be interpreted only retroactively and only as applying to the named parties and covered past matters.
That clarification narrowed the administration's interpretation but did not amount to a public statement that the entire May 19 release had been rescinded.
At the same time, Williams' July sanctions order prevents the parties from using the purported settlement agreement in official proceedings as evidence of a settlement reached in the case.
The practical and legal interaction among those documents remains contested and is now part of an appellate fight.
So Can the IRS Audit Trump, Don Jr. or Eric Again?
The safest answer is that the settlement shield has been seriously destabilized, but the precise scope of what the government may now do is not as simple as a viral post suggests.
Before Williams' ruling, the May 19 language purported to bar the IRS and Treasury from pursuing examinations and claims connected to covered past tax matters.
After the ruling, the parties are prohibited from relying on the purported settlement agreement in official proceedings as evidence of the settlement.
But the judge expressly declined to decide the ultimate validity or enforceability of the private agreement itself, and DOJ has continued to describe the separate May 19 release as having a limited retroactive effect.
Trump and his co-plaintiffs are asking the Eleventh Circuit to overturn the sanctions order.
In short, the protection is no longer something that can accurately be described as an uncontested, ironclad immunity shield.
The July order makes renewed scrutiny more legally plausible than it appeared under the original settlement, but it does not itself direct the IRS to open an audit or the Justice Department to begin a criminal investigation.
An IRS Audit Is Not a Criminal Prosecution
The word 'audit' is often blurred together with the word 'crime' in political posts, but they are not the same process.
An IRS civil examination can determine whether additional tax is owed, whether deductions or valuations were improper or whether civil penalties apply.
A criminal tax prosecution requires a separate evidentiary basis and proof of the elements of a federal offense.
Many tax disputes never become criminal cases.
Even when investigators suspect criminal conduct, the government must follow investigative and prosecutorial procedures before charges can be filed.
A judge setting aside or restricting a civil settlement does not substitute for those steps.
Why the Claim That Trump's Sons 'Can Now Go to Jail' Is Wrong
Prison is not the next automatic event after the Williams ruling.
For Donald Trump Jr. or Eric Trump to face imprisonment for a tax offense, investigators would first need evidence supporting a criminal violation.
Prosecutors would then have to bring charges through an indictment or other lawful charging process.
The defendant would be entitled to challenge the evidence and the government's legal theory.
A prison sentence could follow only after a conviction at trial or a guilty plea and a separate sentencing process.
None of those things happened in Williams' July order.
The ruling did not accuse either son of a specific tax crime, find criminal intent or adjudicate an unpaid-tax amount.
No criminal tax charge currently follows from Judge Williams' order. Saying Trump's sons are 'going to jail' converts a sanctions and settlement ruling into a criminal conviction that does not exist.
The Judge Sanctioned the Litigation Conduct — Not the Sons for Tax Crimes
Williams' sanctions were tied to the court process.
Her order targeted the way the lawsuit was filed, defended, settled and dismissed.
She also authorized monetary sanctions connected with the costs incurred by court-appointed amici who had to address the jurisdictional issues.
That is serious.
But it is legally different from a referral saying the Trump sons committed criminal tax fraud.
The public record does not show Williams making that finding.
Trump Is Appealing
Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and the Trump Organization filed an appeal in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.
The appellate case is docketed as Donald Trump, et al. v. Thirty-Five Former Federal Judges, No. 26-12692.
The appellants have challenged Williams' authority and her conclusions about adverseness, bad faith and sanctions.
The public appellate docket lists their opening brief as due September 14.
Until the Eleventh Circuit rules, Williams' order remains a district-court ruling under active appellate challenge rather than the final word from the federal judiciary.
Trump's Side Still Has a Legitimate Point About the Original IRS Wrongdoing
The controversy over the settlement should not obscure the misconduct that led to the lawsuit.
Tax-return confidentiality is a serious federal obligation.
Littlejohn abused his IRS access, stole protected information and disclosed it to news organizations.
He was prosecuted, pleaded guilty and received a five-year prison sentence.
Trump and other affected taxpayers were entitled to demand accountability for that breach.
The legal problem identified by Williams was not that unauthorized disclosure of tax information was acceptable.
It was that the later lawsuit and settlement allegedly used a real underlying injury to justify an arrangement the court found lacked genuine adverseness and was pursued in bad faith.
Equal Enforcement Cuts Both Ways
The strongest principle emerging from the controversy is not partisan.
An IRS contractor who illegally leaks a president's tax information should face the same law as anyone who leaks another taxpayer's protected information.
Likewise, a president, a president's children and companies affiliated with the president should face the same tax statutes, audit standards and criminal evidentiary rules that apply to other taxpayers.
Equal treatment does not mean presuming Trump's relatives are guilty.
It means neither granting a special immunity because of political power nor manufacturing criminal guilt because of a political surname.
Investigators should follow evidence and prosecutors should have to prove any criminal case in court.
What Can Actually Be Said With Confidence
Donald Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and the Trump Organization sued the IRS and Treasury Department in January 2026 over the illegal disclosure of their tax information.
The underlying leak was real: former IRS contractor Charles Littlejohn pleaded guilty and was sentenced to five years in prison.
The Trump plaintiffs later agreed to dismiss their $10 billion lawsuit in connection with a May settlement that provided a formal apology, created the framework for a $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund and was followed by a broad Justice Department release covering past claims and tax examinations.
On July 13, Judge Kathleen Williams concluded that the litigation lacked the required genuine adversity and expressly found that the plaintiffs acted in bad faith.
She prohibited the parties from citing or using the purported settlement agreement in official proceedings as evidence of a settlement reached in the case and imposed sanctions related to the litigation.
She did not find Donald Trump Jr. or Eric Trump guilty of tax fraud.
She did not file criminal charges against them.
She did not sentence either man to prison.
The judge also expressly stated that the ultimate validity and enforceability of the private agreement — including the broader question of an allegedly improper conferral of immunity — was not before the court.
The $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund was formally rescinded by DOJ on August 2, after Blanche said no money had been transferred and no claims had been paid.
A separate Virginia case is still probing who designed the fund, with a magistrate judge ordering disclosure of the architects during discovery.
The tax-protection issue remains legally complicated because the May 19 release was a separate Justice Department action, DOJ has given it a narrowed interpretation and the Trump plaintiffs are appealing Williams' sanctions order.
The cleanest conclusion is therefore not that Trump's sons are now headed to jail.
It is that an extraordinary settlement intended to give the Trump family broad protection from past federal tax scrutiny has suffered a major judicial blow, while any future audit or criminal case would still have to proceed under ordinary law, ordinary evidence and ordinary due process.
That is also the standard that should apply to every American, whether the taxpayer is a president's son, a political opponent or someone with no political power at all.
